In terms of total external debt, India is ranked 30th in the world (The World Factbook, 2011). Since independence, India has been one of the largest borrowers from the external sources. During 1948-49, following the partition, the country faced a severe balance of payment crisis and stood at a massive deficit of US$1,881 mn. This deficit was entirely financed by running down the sterling balances. The strain on the sterling reserves was eased as the external assistance picked up from 1958-59 (Kapur, 1997). The imports, which increased at a faster pace, in comparison to exports, raised the demand for external finance. When the flow of external assistance failed to meet the need for external finance, recourse to External Commercial Borrowing (ECB) was taken (Patnaik, 1987; Khanna, 1992; Singh, 1993; and Kapur, 1997). Since 1980, there has been significant dependence on private capital flows in the form of ECB and deposits from NRIs (Reddy, 2001). Presently, ECB is considered as an effective source of external finance and preferred to domestic debt due to the interest rate advantage. But that the external borrowing in South Asian countries, in the late 1990s of the last century, had led to unprecedented financial crisis (Jalan, 2003), makes it imperative to look critically at the growing dependence on ECB in India which is around 35% of total debt and the government raised the ceiling on the borrowing to $30 bn, and even allowed the borrowers to raise in Chinese Yuan (Krishnan, 2011).
The present study attempts to establish, in the Indian context, the long-run and short- run relationship between ECB, and different macroeconomic variables like imports, exports, Index of Industrial Production (IIP), Exchange Rate (ER), Interest Rate Differential (IRD) and Foreign Investment (FI). The study also examines if the ECB is really cheaper as stated.
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